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What Will Mac ’n’ Mae Cost You and Me?
Gretchen Morgenson, The New York
Times,
www.thenytimes.com 08/24/08
The inevitability of a taxpayer-funded
bailout of
Freddie Mac
and
Fannie Mae,
the hobbled mortgage behemoths, shook
investors last week, and shares in
both companies plummeted on fears that
existing stockholders would be wiped
out.
These government-sponsored entities
guarantee or hold $5.2 trillion in
mortgages and have been hammered by
defaults across the nation. Fannie
Mae’s shares closed on Friday at $5,
down from almost $70 a year ago.
Freddie Mac fell to $2.61, which is
down from about $65. Their heavily
leveraged balance sheets magnify even
a small rise in delinquencies.
There is no certainty about what form
a Mac ’n’ Mae rescue would take.
Naturally, this is giving investors
the jitters. Up and down Fannie’s and
Freddie’s capital structure, debt and
equity holders want to know how a
bailout would affect them.
It is widely assumed that debt issued
by Fannie and Freddie will be backed
by the taxpayers. Call it “too big to
fail times two.”
But in our highly interconnected
financial world, where one company’s
ills have the potential to infect many
others, no bailout exists in a
vacuum. And the ripple effects
that may result from shoring up these
giants extend from the obvious —
hammering their shareholders — to the
fairly obscure, involving participants
in the market for credit default
swaps.
This is the huge arena where
participants buy and sell insurance to
protect against defaults by issuers of
debt. Some $62 trillion of
insurance has been written, with a
fair value of $2 trillion at the end
of 2007.
Back to the bailout du jour. Many
analysts hypothesize that the Treasury
will put cash into Fannie and Freddie,
receiving dividend-paying preferred
shares in return. Such an investment
has occurred before, as noted last
week by
UBS research analysts in Mortgage
Strategist, a weekly research report
from the firm. In 1954, when the
government began to change Fannie Mae
into a shareholder-owned company,
preferred stock was issued to Uncle
Sam to help finance the process. Those
shares were retired in 1968 when
Fannie Mae became a publicly traded
corporation.
If preferred shares are again issued
in exchange for taxpayer cash, common
stockholders could lose the most
because new preferred shares would
take precedence in the payment of
dividends and if the companies were
liquidated.
Investors holding the preferred stock
already issued by Freddie and Fannie
could also be vulnerable if the
bailout puts the taxpayers’ investment
ahead of them for dividend payments.
Regional banks and savings and loans
hold most of these shares;
with these institutions already hurt
by the mortgage mess, it seems
unlikely that the Treasury would
structure a Mac ’n’ Mae rescue in a
manner that would pound them again.
But the potential effects of a rescue
become more complex for the holders of
Fannie’s and Freddie’s $19 billion in
subordinated debt, so-called because
it ranks below other bonds in the
companies’ capital structures.
As UBS analysts point out, because
Fannie’s and Freddie’s subordinated
debt is used when they calculate
capital — the financial cushion
regulators require to support the
companies’ operations — interest
payments on the debt may have to stop
if a bailout occurs. Such a hiatus
could last up to five years.
While this would hurt subordinated
debt holders, a deferral of
interest payments has even broader
ramifications. Halting those payments
would put the bonds into default and
force payouts on credit insurance that
has already been written. In the debt
market, this is known as a “credit
event.”
On its Web site, and in language that
only a lawyer could love, Fannie Mae
describes some terms of its
subordinated debt. For the debt to
qualify for capital calculations, it
must require the deferral of interest
payments “for up to five years if (1)
Fannie Mae’s core capital falls below
minimum capital and, pursuant to
Fannie Mae’s request, the secretary of
the Treasury exercises discretionary
authority to purchase the company’s
obligations under Section 304(c) of
the Fannie Mae Charter Act, or (2)
Fannie Mae’s core capital falls below
125 percent of critical capital.”
Here’s a translation: A bailout
could mean no interest payments on the
subordinated debt.
“If we reasonably assume that the
Treasury would only intervene in the
event that Fannie or Freddie is
declared significantly
undercapitalized by its regulator,”
UBS analysts wrote, “then interest
payments on the qualifying
subordinated debt is automatically
deferred for up to five years.”
Because nonpayment of interest would
be seen as a credit event, UBS added,
entities that have bought protection
on Fannie’s and Freddie’s subordinated
debt would be entitled to payment by
the entities that wrote the insurance.
This, even though taxpayers are
standing behind Fannie’s and Freddie’s
debt, not allowing it to fail. Talk
about the laws of unintended
consequences.
It is not clear how much insurance has
been written on the subordinated debt.
The actual holders of the debt very
likely hedged their stakes with credit
insurance, which is intended to
protect buyers in the event of a
default.
But speculators may have bought credit
default swaps on the companies’
subordinated debt even if they did not
own any of the debt. A gutsier gamble
than selling short Fannie or Freddie
shares, buying credit insurance on the
companies’ debt was essentially a bet
against the implicit government
guarantee that many felt was backing
all the companies’ obligations.
Because of the implied guarantee — and
the belief that it meant they would
never have to pay out on the swaps —
sellers of credit insurance may have
been overly eager to write contracts
on Fannie’s and Freddie’s debt.
So the burning questions are these:
Who wrote the insurance and do they
have the money to pay those who bought
it? If they don’t, what happens?
If the market for credit insurance
were more transparent, we might know
the answers. But these deals are
private and largely hidden from view.
It is possible, of course, that a Mac
’n’ Mae bailout will be structured so
as not to force credit default swap
payouts. Or regulators could step in
and require parties on both sides of
the Fannie and Freddie credit
insurance trade to unwind their stakes
at heavily discounted levels. Such has
been the nature of recent deals struck
by financial guarantors like Ambac at
the behest of the New York State
Insurance Department. In one deal, the
credit default swap buyer got just 13
cents on the dollar; in another deal,
the buyer got 61 cents.
If regulators make such a move related
to Fannie and Freddie, sellers of the
insurance could escape dire financial
problems associated with paying on the
claims. But buyers of credit
protection are apt to get far less
than they think they are owed on the
insurance. And if they have written
the values of their holdings way up to
reflect the increased likelihood of a
default event, they will soon have to
write them down again.
Nobody knows how the Fannie and
Freddie situation will play out. But
the implications of a default on the
companies’ subordinated debt shows how
complex and confounding — not to
mention costly — this business of
bailouts has become.
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